Tuesday’s meeting between the foreign and defence ministers of Australia and New Zealand was a nicely poised display of strategic alignment and statecraft. It balanced an ambitious plan to build an ANZAC platform of joint procurement, sustainment and operations by 2035 with a clear articulation of both countries’ shared interests and agency in the Pacific and beyond.

The Australia–New Zealand Foreign and Defence Ministers (ANZMIN) meeting was established in 2024. Before that, it was largely assumed that deep interpersonal and institutional ties, underpinned by shared history, made such formal gatherings unnecessary.

As two of us argued previously, ANZMIN is a needed corrective of a ‘she’ll be right’ attitude. In more dangerous times, it’s important that the closest friends meet regularly to share perceptions and agree on a strategic direction that meets common national interests. Engaging the media ensures the message also reaches domestic and international audiences at a time when people are seeking transparency and reassurance.

The ANZAC 2035 joint statement, released on 17 March by Australian Defence Minister Richard Marles and New Zealand Defence Minister Judith Collins, details efforts towards closer defence relations between the two countries. Much commentary will likely focus on what this means for upcoming procurement decisions, especially New Zealand’s choice between Japanese and British-designed frigates.

It may be beneficial for naval interoperability and sustainment if New Zealand followed Australia and selected the Japanese one, a version of the Mogami-class frigate built by Mitsubishi Heavy Industries. This would also support the stronger partnerships that both countries are building with Japan. It may even raise the potential for trilateral defence arrangements to address shared priorities such as sea lane security.

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But let’s not miss the strategic wood for the trees of individual procurement decisions. Opportunities for defence cooperation could also include, for instance, joint sustainment of shared platforms such as the P-8 Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft or the Sikorsky Seahawk MH60R naval helicopter. Regional sustainment hubs could be useful for other partners too, including Five Eyes countries Canada, the United States and Britain.

ANZAC 2035 also calls for enhanced force posture cooperation, ‘including rotational activities in from and through our respective geographies’. Last month a Royal New Zealand Air Force C130J was embedded in a Royal Australian Air Force unit, flew under an Australian call sign and was fully integrated into Australian Defence Force tasking. Expect more of that.

Sovereignty debates on both sides of the Tasman will inform the boundaries of ANZAC 2035. By partnering more with New Zealand, the Australian government continues to show it can both maintain the US alliance and strengthen security ties with other partners. For its part, the New Zealand government will need to respond to criticism that closer defence integration with Australia can come only at the expense of sovereignty and New Zealand’s distinct defence identity, especially in the Pacific.

ANZMIN also resulted in a clear statement of shared strategic intent. The ministers acknowledged that both countries must rise to the challenge of permanent regional contest. They didn’t say explicitly that the contest was primarily against China, but it was implicit in their reiteration of concerns about China’s destabilising conduct abroad and abuse of human rights and civil liberties at home. They also committed to ‘deepening relations with Taiwan’. China’s embassy in Wellington responded angrily, urging New Zealand to shift from its ‘counterproductive path’ or risk damage to bilateral relations.

The US is referenced sparingly in the joint statement. Perhaps in a nod to Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s commentary in recent weeks on how liberal democracies should navigate turbulence, ministers noted the importance of ‘collective agency and shared responsibility for the stability of our region’. Cautious handling of the US is not just about US President Donald Trump, but also the substantive differences that remain in Canberra’s and Wellington’s security partnerships with Washington.

There are some interesting omissions in this year’s statement. It was the first to not call for general nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. The Quad (comprising Australia, Japan, the US and India) and AUKUS, which were mentioned at the last ANZMIN joint statement, were not included this time. The Five Eyes grouping, however, was mentioned, signalling shared acknowledgement that it remains a vital mechanism.

It’s possible to read too much into the editorial decisions required to keep joint statements to a reasonable length. But it’s also possible that some language was excised because of deeper thinking in Canberra and Wellington about how to manage a turbulent strategic environment.

The ministers committed to deepening work on shared priorities in the Pacific, as well as new economic-security initiatives. The Antarctic Treaty System was identified as part of the system of rules and norms that keeps the region peaceful, and the ministers announced a new annual strategic dialogue on Antarctic issues. These initiatives are a welcome acknowledgement of the continued importance of international rules. But gaps remain. For instance, both countries need to do more together to secure the Southern Ocean.

The press conference’s light-heartedness was a reminder that Aussies and Kiwis get along. Such trust is precious and helps smooth differences in viewpoint and policy, emphasising that allies can be united without having to be identical. As an exercise in statecraft, the right message has been sent to those watching: across the Tasman, good neighbours remain good friends who look out for each other.